HIS 242
Putin-Medvedev
Remarks by Professor Evans

Iveskaia

 

 

 

 

The Iverskii chapel (Иверская часовня), dating to the sixteenth century, stands in front of Resurrection Gate (aka the Iberian gate or the Воскресенские ворота or the Иверские ворота) at the northwestern entrance to Red Square In Moscow. The Gate is between the Moscow City Hall and the State Historical Museum. The chapel was destroyed in 1929, and then in 1931 the entire Gate was demolished to allow for military parades with heavy vehicles to enter and cross Red Square. The Gate and chapel were rebuilt in the 1990s and opened in 1995. Military parades can still cross Red Square but they can no longer enter from both sides of the State Historical Museum as they used to. With the reconstruction of the chapel, a new copy of the Iveron icon was brought from Mount Athos and installed in the chapel. Photo credit Noah Rucker.

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Well, let's begin by saying that I do not see anyway to distinguish policy differences between Vladimir Putin and Dmitrii Medvedev, whatever political positions they may or may not formally occupy. So I will cover this period of time as a single unit, dominated by Putin. After all, he is the secret police operative, and he clearly seems to be the one wielding control--he is giving most of the public statements and interviews. Maybe forty years from now, when the Russian archives are open and accessible, we might learn something different about the relationship between the two men.

Let's pause a moment and look at what I wrote in unit 14 about Gorbachev, "It was not all that long ago that the world was infatuated with the dynamic new leader of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev (1931-)." The public view in Russia of Gorbachev, however, was much different (many Russians hated him), largely as a result of his anti-alcohol campaigns. But it is also not that long ago that Western leaders were enamored of Putin--many Russians still are--look at the images of Putin sitting with George W. Bush by the fire or of Obama talking of a "reset" in Russian-American relations with Medvedev. Now, suddenly Western leaders seem more critical of Putin. Let's not forget that not too long ago Time magazine named Putin as its "person of the year" for 2007.

Let's get the political offices straight since Putin and Medvedev have alternated in those spots: Putin as prime minister (August 1999-May 2000) then as president (December 1999-May 2008) then as prime minister (May 2008-May 2012) then as president (May 2012-present); Medvedev as president (May 2008-May 2012) then as prime minister (May 2012-present). In 2008 when Putin's second term as president ended, he left the post, as the Russian constitution required, and he became prime minister with his hand-picked deputy Medvedev--even more of an unknown that Putin was ten years earlier--taking over as president.

Yet while Putin has been a major player on the world stage for over a decade now, there is still relatively little known about him. He has done a good job of limiting access to personal information and presenting his own version of his life. (See his "autobiography" First Person.)

After Putin's schooling in St. Petersburg and then at St Petersburg University, he eventually joined the KGB in the mid-1970s. Legend has it that when he was seventeen, he walked into KGB headquarters and asked what he should do to "join up." They told him to go to the university first. When he finally entered the KGB, he served outside of the Soviet Union, mainly in East Germany, then again back in the Soviet Union investigating students at St. Petersburg University.

In 1991, he formally left the KGB to work with Anatolii Sobchak, one of his former professors. Sobchak had become mayor of St. Petersburg, and Putin became one of his close advisers. Five years later, Putin left to work with Paul Borodin, who ran Boris Eltsyn's presidential staff in the Kremlin. Eltsyn took a liking to Putin's efficiency, low-key manner and apparent lack of desire for elective office, and he soon selected Putin as his chief of staff.

In the meantime, Putin completed a dissertation in economics, a dissertation what was largely plagiarized:

According to Clifford G. Gaddy, a senior fellow at Brookings, 16 of the 20 pages that open a key section of Putin’s work were copied either word for word or with minute alterations from a management study, Strategic Planning and Policy, written by US professors William King and David Cleland. The study was translated into Russian by a KGB-related institute in the early 1990s. (Putin accused of plagiarising his PhD thesis)

Putin's climb into a position of unchallenged power in Russia was quick, completely legal and entirely democratic. On 25 July 1998, Eltsyn appointed Putin as head of the FSB (the successor to the KGB). Then, the following year, Eltsyn designated Putin as his eventual successor and made him prime minister--actually it was a bit more complicated than that. As Putin jockeyed with his political opposition, his appeal to a restoration of order in Russia and his intention to crush the uprising in Chechnya brought him growing popularity. When Eltsyn resigned on 31 December 1999, Putin became acting president. He was subsequently formally elected president in the elections of March 2000.

The last years of Eltsyn as president had not been good years for Russia.

The transition from the Soviet economy to a market economy ("shock" therapy) had led to a rapid inflation that wiped out the lifetime savings of many Russians and to a decline in real wages; a new class of immensely rich capitalists had emerged who controlled much of the former state industrial complex. Poverty deepened, and a re-stratification of Russian society occurred. There was rampant alcoholism accompanied by a decline in life expectancy and an increase in mortality. It gets worse; the defeat in the first Chechen War, the default on Russian debts, the collapse of the stock market and numerous banks resulted in disillusionment with the idea of democracy and a growth in the popularity of the communist and ultra-nationalist parties.

As Putin assumed the presidency, his foremost aim was (and remains) to make Russia powerful again, to re-establish Russia as a "great Power."

Part 1 was to demonstrate to the world Russia's military might, and that meant that Russia should crush the Chechens. In September 1999 a massive Russian invasion of Chechnya began. There were unceasing reports of atrocities in the conflict which ended with Russia "victorious." By 2003, a new constitutional arrangement had been "approved" in which Chechnya was confirmed as part of Russia, and a "rebuilding" of that shattered region began.

Part 2 was to stabilize the economy. Because of a rise in world oil prices Russia was able to use the income (petrodollars) from sales of oil to raise money and pay off debts. To make sure that the Russian state made the petrodollars, Putin was able to transfer to state control (at the expense of a lot of very rich Russian oligarchs) several large-scale industries such as gazprom (natural gas) and rosneft (oil). This created elements of a state-controlled economy again. While it is clear from official economic statistics that Russia has experienced rather substantial economic growth in the last ten years under Putin, it is less clear who in Russia has actually prospered from that growth.

Part 3 was a renewed appeal to Russian patriotism/nationalism (sometimes called great Russian chauvinism by critics). For example, in late 2000, the old Soviet national anthem was brought back into use, but with new words. History textbooks were rewritten to not dwell on the negatives of the past. Public, official acceptance of the Russian Orthodox church has been promoted, and the patriarchs Alexei and Kirill, in turn, have supported the government. Cathedrals, and other historical sites, that had been destroyed by Stalin were rebuilt, as the state encouraged support for Russia's cultural heritage.

Part 4 was establishing firm control of the government so that it does not descend into anarchy. The central government established appointive power over regional governors, and slowly independent political parties were harassed; allegedly elections were managed. Putin's personal political party, United Russia, established firm control of the Russian parliament.

In part 5 Putin has also appeared as a player on the world diplomatic stage, as in his forceful opposition to the independence of Kossovo. But his attempt to make Russian great has come at the expense of Russia's relationship with some of its neighbors such as Georgia and Ukraine. There seem to be confrontational issues everywhere: Caucasus, George, Moldova, Ukraine, Syria. It very much resembles a Cold War foreign policy, spurred by a fear of NATO expansion.

So, what about democracy in Russia? While Russia remains nominally democratic, there is no doubt that Putin has created elements of an authoritarian regime in the country. In The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index of democracy (*.PDF file) by Laza Kekic, Russia, termed a "hybrid regime," is listed in position of 102 out of 167 countries (1 is most democratic; 167 is least democratic).

Western commentators and the Russian opposition, Putin has been described as a dictator.[244][245] Putin biographer Masha Gessen has stated that "Putin is a dictator," comparing him to Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus.[246][247] Former UK Foreign Secretary David Miliband once described Putin as a "ruthless dictator" whose "days are numbered."[248] U.S. Presidential candidate Mitt Romney called Putin "a real threat to the stability and peace of the world."[249] (wiki)

Is there something called Putinism, a Putin system, a coherent ideology that the Russian leadership embraces? Many commentators point to these characteristics:

Some misc. last things about Putin

In conclusion, one is left with a lot of questions about Russia's recent history. One wonders if the Putin-Medvedev era is a transitional stage, but a transition to what? Is it a "managed democracy?" Is there a coherent ideology developing in Russia? Exactly how much corruption and organized crime exist in the country? Is there a plunder of the country's wealth occurring, or is that just a fabrication by critics? Is United Russia a semi-fascist regime? Why the renewed fear of the outside world and the anti-American or anti-NATO rhetoric? Despite the appalling demographic statistics of the past decade, how much has Russian society or the economy actually changed?

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Some recommended websites